I am just an ordinary member of the public like the others. And as an ordinary person I am able to share and appreciate the aspirations, convictions and hopes of most of the people. Besides, I believe in and support democracy. I am a person who is actually in favour of the nation’s present democracy transition. But I am not a man who applauds everything the government does or blindly trusts in and supports all what the anti-government elements do. I am just a duty-conscious person who is never hesitant to support or condemn an act after assessing all its good and bad effects with my own conscience.

So, I am not a follower of anyone. I accept myself a neutral standing on my own free will and views and stance. My only wish is to see my nation and people standing tall among the global community and enjoying progress and prosperity. I totally hate the present national hardships that are entirely against the interest of the nation and the people. Keeping in mind long-term interest of the nation and people, I would like to frankly tell the government as well as Aunty Suu everything I deem necessary. As I am going to present my own vision impartially, I solemnly believe that my discussions will reflect the aspirations of today’s entire public.

Honesty is the best organizational method. I wish to assess and present all the current political incidents of the nation sincerely. In my view, our political situation is in a stalemate facing hardships without moving forward with greater momentum. It is not good if the stalemate is too long. Even at present we are grappling with economic and social hardships due to political deadlock. Time and again, disturbances and demonstrations are springing from political, economic and social troubles. The consequence is that the nation is in a bad shape and is unable to march straightly to public-desired democracy or implement market economy well.

We were all hopeful and happy when the government’s Announcement (1/2007) came out. The announcement has made an offer saying that Senior General Than Shwe will meet Aunty Suu in person if she abandons her four means to block Myanmar. It is the government’s official offer. I expected something important might happen when Mr Gambari met Aunty Suu twice during his visit to Myanmar. But it’s true that I dared not expect to that degree. The Announcement (1/2007) is indeed good news for the nation’s future. My appreciation is that it is a constructive new step the entire people of Myanmar will have to welcome.

As usual, some foreign radio stations were airing all sorts of comments from various view points concerning the announcement. News reports viewing the announcement as a positive step were few. Mostly, news reports were dominated by slanders on it. Before Aunty Suu had made any comments on it, those radio stations were saying that she was in a position to promise that she would not commit again the offence she had never committed before; that she had been asked to surrender before the meeting; and that they objected the offer as it was not a genuine dialogue. I have been hearing again and again the demands to release Aunty Suu first. When I heard those responses, I was so disappointed and wondering whether the dialogue would actually take place.

Despite those circumstances, the government has never given up the national re-consolidation, officially assigning Deputy Minister for Labour U Aung Kyi as Minister for Relations on 8 October 2007 to take further step towards a dialogue with Aunty Suu. We have noticed that the government has been heading for a dialogue with Aunty Suu. Aunty Suu, I sincerely believe that it’s the right time for you to make a positive response with a view to serving the interest of all.

Actually, we, ordinary people, are just the audience watching what the government, Aunty Suu and NLD are doing. We are tired of watching a stalemate for a long time considering that we should not go on like this forever. There should be some forms of compromise. If one side makes a concession, the other side should do so. The situation will get worse if both sides are arrogantly intransigent refusing to budge from their stand.

Concerning the demand for the release of Aunty Suu first, I would like to say as much as I understand. I assume that the government is not intentionally imposing the restriction order on her. The government may have unavoidable circumstances and reasons to do so. Concerning the matter both sides may have many different opinions and much to discuss. But it is not an unsolvable problem. I hope that it can be solved one day.

If we look back the recent past, we can see that Aunty Suu became popular on the Myanmar political stage with NLD as the springboard after the 1988 unrest. To the extent of my knowledge, when the unrest began in March 1988, underground elements of BCP decided to accelerate the unrest and to keep Daw Khin Kyi as a national leader in the forefront. As Daw Khin Kyi’s health was deteriorating, they planned to present her daughter Aunty Suu as public leader. I have learnt that BCP UGs were successful in approaching you in May that year; and that you met with old politicians such as U Nu, Mahn Win Maung, Bohmu Aung and U Saw Kya Doe and signed the proclamation to form the People’s Advisory Committee. At a clandestine meeting held on 21-8-1988, Aunty Suu was designated as the leader and spokeswoman of United Alliance. Later, Aunty Suu became a public figure after giving speeches to the strikers at the compound of Yangon General Hospital on 23-8-1988 and talks at the ground lying in the west of the Shwedagon Pagoda on 26-8-1988. I was one of your supporters then.

Aunty Suu, you became the general secretary of NLD when the government permitted formation of political parties. The NLD central executive committee was formed with 42 members, 14 each from the three-party alliance – Aung-Suu-Tin group. On 3-12-1988, U Aung Gyi broke away from the NLD and formed a separate party with the excuse, saying that leftists were dominating your group. After U Aung Gyi quit NLD, it was solely dominated by Aunty Suu and the NLD CEC was just nodding to all what you said. NLD members were not able to differentiate between the NLD central and you. Personality cult was common in the party then. NLD CECs were like lay attendants of an abbot monk. They didn’t dare do anything without your knowledge. The matter is like approving what I have known from the paper “National Political Movement and Assessment on Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’’ compiled by Moe Thee Zun in which he said NLD CECs didn’t dare decide even a small matter without Daw Aung San Suu Kyi’s knowledge.

The government said that the NLD instead of launching its organization campaigns and adopting and presenting policy guidelines within the framework of the law and principles as a duty conscious party was sticking to its extremist idea of opposing and confronting the Tatmadaw. During the time, we were not able to distinguish between right and wrong. We had to accept your declaration “Defy all orders as a duty” you had made at NLD press meet held on 5-6-1989 as your political stand.

Later, we began to see Aunty Suu attempting to grab power through short-cut or in other words making instigation for recurrence of the 1988 unrest rather than working in accord with democracy principles within the framework of law. You even tried to organize a mass walk with the slogan “Martyrs never die” on the Martyr’s Day in 1989, plotting to stage a 1988-unrest-like civil commotion which you named “the Second Revolution” if the government tried to stop it. Hence, the government had to take preventive measures to expose and arrest BCP UGs acting from behind the scenes. It is said that discussions were held at the NLD office the whole night on 18-7-1989 to decide whether such mass walk should be staged or not. In the end, the meeting agreed to obey your order. After viewing and discussing the matter from various angles again and again you decided to call off the plan. It is a very important decision. Because of your correct decision, just in time the nation managed to avoid undesirable riots, appalling losses and unpleasant incidents. It is true that you won public respect for that decision.

As your order to call off the plan did not arrive at the township party offices in time, the situation went beyond limit in some townships. In my view, your slogan “Martyrs never die” was so severe that it would result in evil consequences. For the first time, the government had to impose restriction order on Aunty Suu on 20-7-1989 as it found 40 persons including joint in-charge of support committee of ABSDF insurgents illegally staying in your house. It imposed the order on Aunty Suu in accord with section 10 (b) of the law to protect the nation from the danger of those willing to destroy it. As you understand law more than us you will know best whether the action was in accord with the law or not.

Aunty Suu, leaders of the State met you on 20-9-1994 and 28-10-1994 while you were under restrictions. We had watched on TV the Head of State cordially clarifying the situation and discussing with you during the second meeting. It is indeed a joyful and pleasant scene for all. Ordinary people like me were glad with the thought that a way had been found for national reconsolidation. Your late husband Michael Aris visited you and on his return to England he issued your declaration at Bangkok Airport on 22-1-1995. Your declaration which said that you would continue to launch anti-government campaign destroyed all our hopes.

However, the government lifted the restriction order imposed on Aunty Suu on 10-7-1995 although your stance was to continue your anti-government campaign. As the NLD was participating in the National Convention at the time, the government seemed to hope that you would appreciate the comprehensiveness and profound essence of the NC. We the people also had the same expectation as the government.

However, one day after you were released, you held a news conference making a demand, saying “We have to choose either dialogue or utter devastation”. My understanding was that failure to fulfil that demand would meet with utter devastation. During your frequent meetings with diplomats and foreign journalists and in your letters to the UN and other international bodies you made constant demands to stop investing in Myanmar and providing humanitarian aids to the country and to bar tourists from visiting the country. You also demanded international bodies to isolate Myanmar. According to government records, diplomats visited your home over 90 times and you also visited them over 40 times and met with foreign journalists for over 170 times within the one-year period after you had been released from restriction order.

When the government asked Aunty Suu to give up your schemes – confrontation, utter devastation and sanctions including economic sanctions — to block Myanmar, Aunty Suu’s followers and foreign destructionists are rejecting the offer as if they are hearing the words that they had never heard before, saying that the offer was like a demand asking her to promise that she would never commit again the offence she had never committed before. But no one can hide the thunder “Defy all orders as a duty” and the words “We have to choose either dialogue or utter devastation” which you have said in English and the demands for imposition of economic sanctions. And, it is not difficult to change and amend your stance and deeds.

Afterwards, Aunty Suu began to continuously slander and attack the National Convention in which the NLD was also participating. After meeting with US Permanent Ambassador to UN Ms Madeleine Albright on 9-9-1995, Aunty Suu held thorough discussions with NLD and other political parties and said that NLD would leave the Convention if its procedures were not changed. Aunty Suu further intensified her slanders and threats against the Convention and in the end she gave an ultimate order to NLD to stop taking part in it. Eighty-six NLD delegates left the NC on 28-11-1995. It was so agonizing. We really felt sorry for the NLD delegates that left the NC with a heavy heart. I will continue.

(To be continued)